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Are the self and the universe both eternal and transient? Are the self and the universe neither eternal nor transient? Do the self and the universe have a beginning? Do the self and the universe have no beginning? Do the self and the universe have both beginning and nor no beginning?

Such distinction in the sense of two poles on a continuum, rather than a complete dichotomy helps to develop methods of psychiatry and psychotherapy to treat those who are suffering in their subjective experience. What the self means to a contemporary neuroscientist who studies the neural and biophysical mechanisms of self-awareness, may be quite different from how an 18th century philosopher would conceptualize it.

The universalist view, in its most extreme case, would argue that the conception of self is constructed in a way that is common to the human species — to all people across cultures. Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University and experiences are reduced into physical, biochemical, and neurological substances and mechanisms, and do not take into account socio-cultural influences. At the other end of the spectrum, in the social constructivist view, the self is constructed entirely in relation to socio-cultural contexts.

In this view, the conception of self in an American teenage boy from New York would have little in common with that of an old Japanese female peasant from the Feudal period. Through my research for this thesis, I have come to argue that the truth lies somewhere in the middle. There is a certain aspect of the self that is common to all human beings. The neurophysiological mechanism of self-awareness, cognitive processing of self-relevant information, and psychological construction of personal identity through linking past subjective experiences across time and pursuing future aspirations are all examples of what constitutes the inner layer of the self shared in human experience across cultures.

There is also an outer layer that is subject to socio- cultural modulations. This layer of the self is constructed inter-relationally and socially, and may be closely related to what the social psychologists may call social identity — the sense of self that is developed over time as one participates in social life and identifies with others. Comparing two cultural spinoffs of mindfulness-based psychotherapy, such as Mindfulness-based Cognitive Behavioral Therapy in the West and Morita Therapy in Japan helps to elucidate this point.

This form of psychotherapy was shaped by the principles of Zen Buddhism, and still holds a notable clinical reputation in Japan today, despite the trend in the importation of western psychiatric methods.

In the West, a recent trend towards eastern philosophies, particularly towards the integration of Buddhism and empirically supported therapeutic approaches, has given rise to what has been referred to as the third wave in psychology: acceptance-based, or mindfulness-based behavioral approaches. The social constructivist view of the self is implicit in the constructivist stance on mystical experience. The striking similarities in their philosophies and methods, however, may suggest that within the self there is an inner layer constructed similarly in people across cultures — the layer of which the mechanism of mindfulness operates at the neurological, psychological, and cognitive levels.

Mindfulness is an umbrella term used across various contexts such as theoretical construct, psychological process, and practice. John P. Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University temporally disparate experiences into a cohesive fabric. Philosophers such as Wittgenstein have distinguished between the subjective and objective forms of first-person in self- reference. When one perceives objects or movement in the external environment, one gains pre-linguistic and non-conceptual information about himself.

According to Gallagher, such non-conceptual, primitive, ecological self-awareness or self- consciousness exists in neonates and human infants. However, this does not mean that the self as an object is not important in mediating human experience. Gallagher posits that the other mode of self-awareness is 13 Norman A.

Farb et al. This type of self-referential processing involves the medial prefrontal cortices mPFC and calls for cognitive elaboration of mental events, thereby reducing immediate attention towards other temporally proximal sensory stimuli.

As the participants underwent mindfulness-meditation practice, the brain network associated with this mode of self-referential processing became more salient under neuroimaging. This suggests that mindfulness-meditation practices help people attend to their immediate experiences, rather than being preoccupied thinking about the past or future in the context of the self.

Considering this suggested relationship between the experiential mode of self-reference and mindfulness practice, I contend that this experiential mode constitutes one layer of the sense of self, one that is shared by all humans.

I contend that this layer of the self is also common to people across cultures. However, such a complex ability for humans to 23 Ibid. All information in this paragraph drawn from this article. Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University think for the future or the past invites vulnerabilities to psychological distress. For example, in the Humanistic school of Psychology, Rogers characterized the difference between the ideal self whom we aspire to be and the real self who we are in reality ; he posited that symptoms of distress and mental illness arise when a potential route to personal growth is blocked, such as when someone lacks a coherent and unified sense of self or when there is a discrepancy between the ideal and the real self.

However, we must also recognize that an individual does not exist without a society; they are two sides of the same coin. The Self as a Social Agent Neural representation of self is not only biologically and psychologically significant but also ecologically important, as it determines the relationship between ourselves and others around us.

In order to adjust for the most efficient interactions with others, the self formulates a particular style specific to that culture. This includes knowledge about the self, 28 Douglas P. The processing of social stimuli involves mPFC, the anterior cingulate cortex ACC , the temporo-parietal junction, the superior temporal sulcus, and the temporal poles.

The involvement of mPFC in both social cognition and self-referential processing presents strong empirical evidence for the importance of self-referential processing to self-related processing. Some believe that although some aspects of the self may be universal, it is, in part, shaped through interaction with groups. For instance, Harry C. Triandis, a cultural psychologist, elaborates on the distinction between the private, public, and collective self as different aspects of the self.

The differences in social behavior, thus, leads from the way people across different cultures expose the three different kinds of self with different probabilities. David C. Funder and Daniel J. Ozer New York: W. Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University Japanese and American people sample these distinct aspects of the self will be discussed in detail in Chapter Two, in which I elaborate on how part of the self is constructed differently in the two cultures — the differences in self-conceptions I contend to be partly responsible for the differences in Morita Therapy and MBCT.

There are several reasons to compare these two forms of psychotherapy. One prominent reason is the significance of mindfulness to human health and wellbeing. Mindfulness as a positive psychological asset has been a salient view since ancient Buddhism. Recently, this idea is beginning to spark the interest of various scientific investigators, who have successfully collected evidence-based therapeutic efficacy involving mindfulness practice such as MBCT.

Mindfulness has also been an implicit concept of the Zen Buddhist culture prominent in Japan, and in turn has shaped the philosophy of Morita psychotherapy. The ways in which MBCT and Morita Therapy explicitly or implicitly rely on the practice of mindfulness are elucidated in Chapter Three and Four, respectively, along with the methodological details of the therapies. When I initially proposed this project, I was assuming to observe more differences than similarities as expected by the tremendous differences between the individualistic culture of the West and the collectivist culture of Japan.

However, as I proceeded through this research, I came to realize that there are more commonalities between these two forms of mindfulness-based psychotherapy than differences although the differences are nonetheless worthy of analysis. This finding amazed me, as I came to in turn realize that mindfulness is an innate capacity of the human mind—a point I elucidate in Chapter One.

Given that the relationship between the self and mindfulness practice is implicit, seeing the similarities between Morita therapy and MBCT helps illustrate the aspects of the self common to human experience, regardless of the culture. However, it is equally important to note and analyze the differences between the two therapies, which are elaborated in Chapter Six.

I contend that cross-cultural analysis in psychology is of extremely important, especially in the globalized world today. People are often exposed to more than one culture in their lifetime, and their sense of self may in turn be uniquely shaped by their multi-cultural experience. As an international student from Japan studying in the U. Although psychotherapy helped me tremendously in a number of ways, there were nonetheless times that I felt that the theories on the human mind in Western psychology was inadequate in making sense out of my personal experiences.

Based on this research and personal experiences, I contend that there needs to be a paradigm that describes the human self that cuts cross-culturally, and at the same time 41 David C. Ozer ed. Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University recognizes the commonality for therapeutic mechanisms.

Throughout this thesis particularly in Chapter Five and Six , I call for a reassessment on the conception of self, especially around mindfulness-based psychotherapy. By the end of this thesis, I hope to accomplish two things. My first and primary objective is to illustrate that mindfulness- based psychotherapy across cultures share a common therapeutic mechanism involving the inner layer of the self.

My second objective is to also show that the outer layer of the self produces cultural variations in the therapeutic philosophies and methods— particularly involving the differences between individualistic and collectivist values. My ultimate hope is that these two assessments, together, will spur research interests in cross- cultural analyses of mindfulness-based psychotherapies as well as the development of a mindfulness-based therapy for multi-cultural audience.

Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University Chapter One: Mindfulness In the Introduction, I have proposed that the construct of self has two layers: the outer layer which is constructed and modulated socially and culturally; and the inner layer which holds inherent commonality across cultures, which is also the layer on which mindfulness operates.

In order to establish a framework in conveying that mindfulness operates on the inner layer of the self which I later elucidate in Chapter Five through comparing the therapeutic mechanisms of MBCT and Morita Therapy , I will dedicate this chapter to introduce the idea that mindfulness is an inherent capacity of the human mind. Before presenting a detailed analysis of the various interpretations of mindfulness throughout this chapter, allow me to introduce a short preview of the evolution of mindfulness across history and cultures.

Mindfulness was first given its name and emerged as a concept in the Theravadan Buddhist meditative traditions, as the word sati in Pali. In the 21st century today, mindfulness is not only used in spiritual practice, but is also applied to therapeutic approaches in clinical science. Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University variety of physical and psychological conditions, aiming to equip them with adaptive ways of responding to the stress of everyday lives.

In doing so, some scientists found that the original definition of mindfulness, founded in the pre-scientific spiritual and religious traditions, is not directly applicable or suitable for evidence-based scientific analysis. For this reason, a number of scientists have simplified its meaning so that it could be used as an independent variable in experimental research. Bhikku Bodhi, for example, cautions against a reductionist understanding of mindfulness and argues that scientific researchers should respect the spiritual tradition in which it is rooted.

Therefore, contextual change is inevitable when importing mindfulness from Buddhism as a religion to modern therapeutic approaches as a science.

With such barriers surrounding the issue of mindfulness, the assignment of a single definition—or even a construct—is difficult. For example, the western clinical traditions including MBCT seem to emphasize mindfulness as present-centered, non-conceptual, and non-judgemental awareness, in an explicitly defined context.

This is peculiar, considering the fact that mindfulness is implicit in Zen Buddhist practices. The 45 Zindel V. Segal, J. Mark G. Williams and John D. DOI: Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University concept of mindfulness is also implicit in Morita therapy, which will be explained in later chapters. How can we most easily explain what mindfulness really means? In order to understand the foundations of Morita Therapy and MBCT, it is imperative to study such cultural divergences in this concept, while at the same time developing a certain consensus of its common meaning and applicability to human health and wellbeing.

By exploring the interpretations of mindfulness in the contexts of Theravada Buddhism a tradition where the term mindfulness originates , Japanese Zen Buddhism a tradition where mindfulness is not explicitly labeled but nonetheless implicit in the teachings and practices , and western clinical science a tradition where establishing a scientifically compatible operational definition is imperative for research , I intend to convey two concepts throughout this chapter.

My first objective is to show that mindfulness can be best explained as a two- dimensional continuum, composed of non-dualistic and dualistic axes. The cultivation of mindfulness follows a gradual, continuous transition from one condition to a different condition. I depict these two modes of experience as the two axes that constitute the two-dimensional continuum of mindfulness, so that the concept can be imagined as something that resembles the familiar two-dimensional x-y plane from mathematics.

I will propose this unique model to conceptualize mindfulness in order to facilitate a more complete understanding of what it means, and how it applies to the psychotherapeutic process. Later, in Chapter Five, I will show how the psychotherapeutic process of mindfulness-based therapy involves both non-dualistic and dualistic modes of mindfulness.

The second message conveyed throughout this chapter is that mindfulness is a phenomenon common to the human experience. By researching the various cultural interpretations of mindfulness, I have come to see mindfulness as an innate capability of the human mind, although some traditions may emphasize different aspects more than the other.

There is nothing particularly Buddhist about it. We are all mindful to one degree or another, moment by moment. It is an inherent human capacity. Eventually, it can lead to a more permanent state of consciousness of everyday living or a personal trait, having a limitless capacity of promoting wellbeing. Another key feature of this mindfulness continuum that I propose is that it consists of two different axes concerning the duality within phenomenological experiences.

Combining the interpretation of mindfulness as a continuum with this view that mindfulness consists of two different modes of experience, I came up with this modeling of mindfulness as a two-dimensional continuum; it consists of an axis of dual experiences 51 Kabat-Zinn, Brown and Richard M.

Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University the ordinary awareness structured by the clear distinction between subject and object ; and another axis of non-dual experiences awareness in which the subject-object distinction collapses.

The meaning of the subject-object distinction and how it applies to mindfulness will be explained later in this chapter. But why and when was such diversion or distinction in the modes of experience in mindfulness made? The Constructivists, on the other hand, argue that these basic structures of cognition are not problematic in themselves.

In addition, the Constructivists emphasize the benefits of not eliminating, but cultivating certain qualities, such as compassion and mindfulness. According to Dunne, Western Buddhism—particularly the healthcare communities—places a large emphasis on the Innatiest, non-dual mindfulness styles of practice. This entails cultivating non-conceptual, non-judgmental states of awareness devoid of the subject-object duality.

Mindfulness in the context of the early Theravada Buddhist discourses and the Abhidhamma seems to rely on the structure of subject-object duality. Thus, the presence of mindfulness can be 55 Dunne, Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University understood to imply the strong presence of mind, allowing one to have lucid awareness with regard to the present moment—the exact opposite of being absent-minded or mindless. In addition to its role as one of the faculties and powers, sati also occupies a position in the noble eightfold path as right mindfulness, sammasati—below right effort and above right concentration.

The dualistic aspect of mindfulness supports the progress of non-dualistic practice, but is characteristically distinct from the non-dual styles of practice for it requires some extent of conceptual and intellectual effort. Mindfulness, in the context of sati, can be understood as both a process of mental training, as well as a mental quality that develops as a result of such practice.

In both cases, one must constantly reflect on his present state of mind with discriminating alertness and clear comprehension. Such monitoring function of sati cannot occur under non-conceptual, non-dualistic state of mind because it requires thought and effort. Do not usher in the future. Rest evenly within present awareness. In other words, the self—as a subject—reflects on the self—as an object—in a way that is inherently different from the non-dualistic type of mindfulness.

In the non-dual type of mindfulness, experiences are being registered without the reflexive self-consciousness that perceives the self as an object that is the subject of experience. This will be explained more in the next section. As Kabat-Zinn emphasizes, mindfulness requires an ongoing commitment and discipline, which requires a self-reflecting capacity that reminds one to practice diligently.

Now that the dualistic mode of mindfulness has been explained, let us dive into the non-dualistic mode of mindfulness. This is not to be confused with the subject-object duality explained previously, in which case the subject is the self that is reflecting on his own progress as an object.

Just as the eye cannot see itself, subjectivity cannot observe itself. When it is observed [upon meditative practice, for example], it is converted into an object. This can be described as deep concentration in which one loses the ordinary conception of time, space, and identity. Again, this non-dual style of practice most likely has emerged from the Innateist philosophy—one must step out of such ordinary way of conceiving reality in order to reach awakening. This type of awareness, when practiced, leads to a continuous, uninterrupted awareness that is fully aware to the present moment without effort—without any adjustment.

This constitutes the non-dual axis of mindfulness. Interaction of the Two Axes in the Mindfulness Continuum Now that both modes of mindfulness have been articulated, I further propose that these two modes of mindfulness are dependent on each other. I see that the two axes of mindfulness continuum are in constant interaction; this is particularly clear in the teachings of Zen Buddhism, as illustrated by Katsuki Sekida—a bilingual and respected teacher of Zen who practiced in Japan and later taught in Hawaii and London.

Shapiro et al. DOI From my readings of Buddhist meditative practice, it seems that meditative practice usually falls into two types: concentrative meditation and insight mindfulness meditation. Modern neuro-scientific studies have identified the distinct brain states between these two types of meditation such as in the studies done by Cahn and Polich as well as Dunn, Hartigan, and Mikulas.

Therefore, further discussion on concentration meditation will be avoided in order to focus elaborating on mindfulness meditation. This distinction between concentrative and mindful attentions, however, does not imply that the two are mutually exclusive or incompatible; in order to attain deep concentration, both sati and samadhi must be present.

The continuous presence of well- established sati can be relevant for attaining, remaining in, and emerging from states of deep concentration. Then, through sati, he can recollect this information and remind himself again of what his present objective is supposed to be—from narrowing his breath of attention to whatever the object he is concentrating on.

Thus, the monitoring, recollective, and reminding functions of sati are also relevant for concentrative meditation, even though cultivating sati may not be the primary objective of this type of meditative training. In these ways, this example illustrates the interdependent relationship between concentration and dualistic mindfulness.

However, how can we describe the co-dependence of non-dualistic and dualistic mindfulness practices? The answer is that deep concentration which relies partly on dualistic mindfulness as described above induces non-conceptual awareness — the non-dualistic type of mindfulness.

Therefore, many of the Mahayana traditions, including Zen Buddhism, rejected some parts of the Pali canon77 and developed a more experiential 74 Rael B.

Dunn, Judith A. Hartigan, and William L. Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University method of teaching, rather than promoting an intellectual, language-based understanding of mindfulness. I find this framework to be compelling and clearly depicting the nature of the process; therefore, I will continue to refer to this framework throughout the rest of this thesis.

Sekida illustrates that our ordinary functioning of consciousness is structured by the succession of first, second, and third nen. However, what makes the individual acknowledge himself of becoming aware of the observation is the third nen—a further step in self- consciousness.

The third nen is what integrates the moment-to-moment impressions from the first and second nen into one stream of perception. However, before this perception is achieved, the third nen also reforms the perception based on previously stored conceptions or knowledge.

In other words, the second and third nen prevent one from engaging in the moment-to-moment experience of the first nen by adding subjectivity and self-consciousness to the initial bare awareness of the object. The Zen practice of zazen, sitting meditation, encourages one to be absorbed in the first nen only.

Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University Mindfulness, in the Zen context, thus implies the concentrated commitment of the mind or heart to the on-going present moment. In other words, absolute samadhi is simultaneously a state of deep concentration and a state of non-dual mindfulness—the mind is awake and present to the on-going moment yet devoid of ordinary intellectual operation.

Sekida speculates that while absolute samadhi —the suspension of thinking—can be characterized by the appearance of theta frequencies under an electroencephalographic study, the state of positive samadhi may show an active cortical activity. Practicing positive samadhi, on the other hand, still requires some extent of subject-object distinction between the practitioner and the Mu koan.

Keeping the comparison of absolute and positive samadhi to non-dualistic and dualistic mindfulness in mind, the interrelated relationship between these two types of samadhi illustrated by Sekida further suggests the necessity of the interaction of the two axes of mindfulness.

We suggest that the right course is to develop positive and absolute samadhi equally. To enter the silence of absolute samadhi is to shake off what we call the habitual way of consciousness…Then, going out or coming back into the world of actual life and of the ordinary activity of consciousness, we enjoy positive samadhi and freedom of mind in the complicated situations of the world.

This theory can be applied to both ones outer world i. The latter application can be especially useful in ones emotional development. Sekida explain: for example, if an unwholesome thought impulse such as greed, anger, or jealousy arises, one can honestly and objectively accept its emergence, recognize its true nature, and dismiss it as a mere mental event, rather than burying it in the abyss of subconsciousness which can later be harmful to the mind. Concluding Remarks This chapter discussed the various cultural interpretations of mindfulness from the Theravadan, Zen Buddhist, and western psychological traditions.

Despite the slight variations in the interpretations regarding different emphases on dualistic and non- dualistic aspects , the construct of mindfulness seems to resonate in human experience across history and cultures. Mindfulness is indeed an inherent capacity of the human mind.

In this thesis that studies the mindfulness-based psychotherapeutic methods— where meditative practice and psychotherapy are integrated—it is helpful to maintain this framework of understanding: mindfulness is a continuum, composed of the two interactive axes representing the dualistic and non-dualistic modes of mindfulness.

The bimodal cultivation of dualistic and non-dualistic mindfulness is also inherently important to the process of psychotherapy. Directing mindful attention toward thinking allows us to notice a crucial difference— between thoughts and awareness, between the contents of consciousness, which are like clouds passing through the sky, and pure consciousness, which is like the wide open sky itself. Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University The use of both dualistic and non-dualistic mode of thinking in psychotherapy will be further elaborated in Chapter Five.

Chapter Two: Differences in the Self between Japan and the United States The conception of the self arises partly from neurophysiological, cognitive, and psychological aspects and processes that are common to human experience; this point was articulated earlier in the Introduction.

It is also my contention that such universal, inner layer of the self is where the mechanism of mindfulness operates. This was further supported by the arguments made in Chapter One — that mindfulness is an inherent capacity of the human mind.

This Chapter, on the other hand, elaborates the outer layer of the self that is subject to socio-cultural modulations—on cognitive, affective, and behavioral levels. Independent and Interdependent Self-Construals Cultural and social psychologists have consistently and successfully found different patterns of thinking and behavior in different societies.

Social psychologists such as Markus and Kitayama have noted major differences between Westerners and East Asians, and developed operational terms to describe the differences in self-conception.

The distinction between self and other is more blurred in this self-construal, which allows the self to be easily modulated by dynamic social contexts. Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University psychological and behavioral differences worthy of scrutiny. I suggest from both personal experiences and research that the independent self-construal is especially pronounced in the American culture; similarly, the interdependent self-construal is highly prominent in Japan. In proving that the Japanese self is very distinct from the American self, I present a wealth of empirically based evidences that suggest the cognitive, affective, and behavioral differences among Japanese and Americans.

Some of these studies directly focus on differences between Japanese and Americans. However, some use Chinese participants instead of Japanese, or British instead of Americans; some even have a more broad comparison between Asian Americans and European Americans. Specifically, that Westerners tend to be analytic and East Asians tend to be more holistic in thinking.

However, Varnum et al. Other researchers who studied social orientation differences also observed corresponding differences in affective regulation and social cognition. Singelis and Sharkey observed that when comparing Asian Americans and European Americans, the ease of embarrassment is positively correlated with interdependent self-construal, and negatively correlated with independent self-construal.

In simplified words, Asian Americans were more easily embarrassed than European Americans. They showed that within the group of individuals with independent self-construal which constituted most American participants and also a few Chinese with stronger independence , the higher their self-esteem, the more strongly the individual will demonstrate positive self-protective behaviors in response to negative feedback from others.

The Chinese participants with interdependent self-construal, on the other hand, did not demonstrate such self-protective behaviors. Previous studies demonstrated that American adults typically respond faster to their own face than to the faces of others. Immigration to isolated geographic areas or different economic activities are assumed to promote different social orientations. Singelis and William F. My understanding from reviewing these studies is that self- construal has a pronounced effect on self-processing in the affective and social domains.

Behavioral Differences — Control and Attachment The previous examples showed cognitive and affective differences that arise from the differences in social orientation and self-construal, of which are especially pronounced when comparing East Asians to Westerners. In this section, I will focus on two aspects of behavior, control and attachment, directly between the American and Japanese populations. My contention is that such general differences in cognition and affective regulation between independent Westerners and interdependent East Asians precipitate significantly in these two aspects of behavior when comparing Americans to Japanese.

These two aspects of behavior, control and attachment, seem to exhibit remarkable differences between these cultures. Chiao and Tokiko Harada et al. Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University The feeling of control is a well-studied subject in psychology, and it is a popular contention that the feeling of being in control is one of the central ingredients to mental health.

The Japanese culture rather emphasizes the use of secondary control in their everyday life. Freeman and colleagues found that Americans show neural activity in the reward-related brain regions in response to signs of dominance, suggesting that they desire primary control.

On the contrary, the Japanese participants showed neural activity in the same region in response to signals of subordination, suggesting that they desire secondary control rather than primary. With the combination of behaving in a passive and withdrawn manner, this form of control is an attempt to inhibit unfulfillable expectations and preparing oneself for future events. Vicarious secondary control is characterized by the attribution of outcomes to powerful others e. The incentive behind this form of control seems to be the fostering of enhanced identification with the powerful others.

Illusory secondary control is attributing outcomes to chance, luck, or fate combined with maintaining passivity in competitive circumstances. Finally, the interpretative form of secondary control requires gaining a sense of mastery over realities by altering their perspective on the realities so as to derive meaning from them and accept them as they are.

Weisz, Fred M. Rothbaum, and Thomas C. Freeman et al. All information in this paragraph from this source. Honors Thesis by Hiroe Hu Brown University control are central to many aspects in the Japanese culture, from socialization, religion and philosophy, work, child rearing, to psychotherapy.

Since one of the central purposes of this thesis is to compare methods of mindfulness-based psychotherapies between the Japanese and American contexts with different self-conceptions as the mediating factor, the comparison of the difference in psychotherapy that arise from different expectations of control will be elaborated in the final chapter.

However, contrasting some of the other aspects such as religion, work, and child-rearing in the context of control will help to further elucidate the difference in self- conception between Japanese and Americans. The difference in control and their general characteristics are summarized in the table below.

Table 2. They are careful to point out that generally, religions across sects and cultures distinctly emphasize secondary control by instructing followers to accommodate to higher powers, and be rewarded by allying with their power, wisdom, or virtue. Top Quality by.

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